Monday 25 October 2021

Klomega (no.2) v. Attorney-general, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority and others: a missed opportunity to strengthen public financial management

        Photo credit: trackingdocket.com

By Nicholas Opoku

Abstract

Agreements made by or on behalf of the Government of Ghana (‘GoG’) play a key role in securing resources for national development, managing the economy, and structuring Ghana’s relations with other countries. Concerns have frequently been raised, however, about the opacity surrounding the negotiation of these agreements, their fairness or value for money. Parliament, which must by law approve these Executive-initiated agreements before they can bind the State, has been criticised for failing in its duty to subject these agreements to diligent and independent scrutiny. On its part, the Supreme Court has been blamed for compounding the problem with its decision in Felix Klomega (No.2) v Attorney General, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority, Meridian Port Holdings Limited and Meridian Port Services Ltd[1] where it held that for the purposes of parliamentary scrutiny of public agreements, the word ‘government’ as used in article 181 of the 1992 Constitution does not include State corporate entities. Therefore, agreements and transactions entered into by such State entities need not undergo or receive parliamentary scrutiny and approval. The holding that subjecting such agreements to parliamentary scrutiny would overburden Parliament is disturbing. It effectively creates a window for the central government to enter into transactions with varied financial implications, using state entities as conduits; thereby circumventing accountability mechanisms established by the Constitution. This paper examines the Court’s decision in Klomega and its implications for public financial management and accountability.

Introduction

1.1     The facts of the case

The plaintiff, Felix Klomega, a Ghanaian citizen, instituted proceedings in the Supreme Court, pursuant to articles 2(1) and 130 of the 1992 Constitution (‘the Constitution’), challenging the constitutional validity of a concession agreement and an associated shareholders agreement for the design, construction and, subsequently, the maintenance, operation and management of the Container Terminal at the Tema Port, for a 20-year period.

The Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority (‘GPHA’) granted the concession to Meridian Port Services Limited (‘MPS’). MPS is a Ghanaian company, being a joint venture between Meridian Port Holdings Limited (‘MPH’) and the GPHA, with MPH being the majority shareholder. MPH is an English company, being a joint venture between leading container terminal operators APM Terminals and BollorĂ© Africa Logistics. The GPHA is a statutory corporation established by the Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160). The Attorney General was named as a defendant to the suit, along with GPHA, MPS and MPH.

1.2     The issues in the case

Article 181(5) of the Constitution requires that any ‘international business or economic transaction’ to which the government is a party must be approved by Parliament.

The plaintiff, Klomega, argued that the word ‘government’ (as used in article 181) included a state entity such as GPHA. Therefore, the concession agreement and shareholders’ agreement initiated and entered into by GPHA should be declared void for want of parliamentary authorisation or approval.

The defendants argued that the GPHA could not be included within the definition of ‘government’ because (i) the GPHA had been set up as a separate legal entity, distinct from the central government under PNDCL 160; (ii) the GPHA’s operations are commercial in nature. Therefore, it would be absurd to cripple its activities by requiring Parliamentary approval of its commercial deals; and (iii) that statutory corporations such as the GPHA have legal and operational autonomy and their financial transactions and international business or economic transactions should not be regarded as ones to which government is a party.

If, contrary to the arguments of the defendants, GPHA was deemed to be within the definition of ‘government’, the court was asked by plaintiff to determine whether the concession agreement and the shareholders’ agreement were, in any event, ‘international business or economic transactions’ for the purposes of article 181(5) of the Constitution.

1.3     The Supreme Court’s decision

On 19 July 2013, the Supreme Court in a unanimous decision dismissed the plaintiff’s action. On the principal issue as to whether the GPHA falls within the meaning of ‘government’, the Court held that in the context of article 181(5) and the facts of the case, the 2nd defendant (GPHA) is not to be regarded as coming within the meaning of ‘government’. The Court reasoned that to subject the international business transactions of statutory corporations with commercial functions to the Parliamentary approval process prescribed in article 181(5) would probably increase the weight of Parliament’s responsibilities in this regard to an unsustainable level. Accordingly, the court held that it is reasonable to infer that the framers of the Constitution did not intend such a result. In the court’s view, ‘government’ should mean, ordinarily, the central government and not operationally autonomous agencies of government.  As such, the word ‘government’ as used in the context of article 181(5), should be interpreted purposively to exclude statutory corporations such as the GPHA.

The Supreme Court did, however, state that its decision did not lay down an absolute rule. For instance, article 181(5) may still apply on the particular facts of a case if the central government was found to have made a particular statutory corporation its alter ego.

In this paper, I reflect on this Supreme Court decision and its implications for public financial management and accountability. First, I highlight the origins of article 181(5) to demonstrate the importance of parliamentary scrutiny and approval of transactions initiated by or entered into by the Government of Ghana (‘GoG’). Secondly, I discuss what constitutes an international business transaction. Thirdly, I discuss the circumstances under which the State could be held liable for the contractual obligations arising from a transaction initiated by or entered into by a State corporation or a State-owned enterprise (‘SOE’) to demonstrate why the Court’s reasoning in Klomega is unsustainable. I conclude with a call on the Supreme Court to review its decision at the earliest opportunity and for Parliament to step up to its constitutional obligation of passing legislation to regulate the scrutiny and approval of ‘article 181(5)’ transactions.

2.0  The origins and policy rationale of article 181

Article 181 of the Constitution states as follows:

(1) Parliament may, by a resolution supported by the votes of a majority of all the members of Parliament, authorise the Government to enter into an agreement for the granting of a loan out of any public fund or public account.

(2) An agreement entered into under clause (1) of this article shall be laid before Parliament and shall not come into operation unless it is approved by a resolution of Parliament.

(3) No loan shall be raised by the Government on behalf of itself or any other public institution or authority otherwise than by or under the authority of an Act of Parliament.

(4) An Act of Parliament enacted in accordance with clause (3) of this article shall provide—(a) That the terms and conditions of a loan shall be laid before Parliament and shall not come into operation unless they have been approved by a resolution of Parliament; and (b) That any moneys received in respect of that loan shall be paid into the Consolidated Fund and form part of that Fund or into some other public fund of Ghana either existing or created for the purposes of the loan.

(5) This article shall, with the necessary modifications by Parliament, apply to an international business or economic transaction to which the Government is a party as it applies to a loan. [Emphasis added]

To fully appreciate the thinking of the framers of the 1992 Constitution on this article, it is important to refer to its origin: article 133 of the 1969 Constitution. Article 133 of the 1969 Constitution dealt exclusively with loans without any reference to international business or economic transactions. The rational for this provision was expressed in the ‘The Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana (1968) (hereinafter referred to as ‘the 1968 Proposals’) thus:

‘One of the most revealing consequences of the coup d’etat of the 24th February was the realisation by the people of Ghana of the huge debt which the country owed. Apart from the fact that our economy had been made bankrupt we owed money, well over NC800, 000,000. We need not go into the details; we all know the various agreements which the National Liberation Council has had to undertake in order to have a rescheduling of our external debts. This calls for specific provisions in the Constitution to deal with the question of loans, and we propose that Government should not enter into an agreement for the granting of a loan out of any public fund or public account unless the National Assembly has approved, by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the Assembly, the granting of the loan.’[2]

‘We further propose that the agreement entered into in respect of the loan should be laid before the National Assembly and should not become effective or operative unless it has been approved by an ordinary resolution of the National Assembly in the case of a loan granted to an authority in the country, but where the agreement is in respect of a loan granted to an authority outside this country then the agreement should only come into force after a resolution in favour of the granting of the loan has been passed by the National Assembly, supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the National Assembly.’[3]

‘We are strongly of the view that the above proposals relating to the granting of loans should apply with equal force to the raising of loans. The only addition we wish to make is that the Government should not have power to raise a loan on behalf of itself or any public institution or authority except by or under the authority of an Act of Parliament. That Act of Parliament should incorporate our above proposals regarding resolutions of the National Assembly mutatis mutandis.’[4]

As the Supreme Court noted in Attorney-General v. Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd[5], “it is clear that the purpose of the framers of the original provision was to ensure transparency, openness and Parliamentary consent in relation to debt obligations contracted by the State. These original provisions of 1969 Constitution were maintained unchanged in the 1979 Constitution as article 144. It is in the 1992 Constitution that this long-standing provision on the giving and raising of loans is modified to include another category of contract, namely ‘an international business or economic transaction to which the Government is a party”.

3.0  What constitutes an international business or economic transaction?

The Constitution does not provide any interpretation of the term ‘international business transaction’. The Constitution however places an obligation on Parliament to pass legislation to give clarity on what constitutes an international business transaction to which government is a party and to which article 181(5) is applicable. Parliament is yet to fulfill this obligation. In the absence of such legislation, the Supreme Court has attempted to clarify what amounts to an international business transaction. The court speaking through Sophia Akuffo JSC in Faroe observed thus

‘…Article 181(5) specifically deals with international business or economic transactions, rather than loans. When one contracting party agrees to supply and the other party agrees to purchase and pay for the thing supplied, is there not a business transaction? I believe there is. And if the supplier is a non-Ghanaian entity and the party of the other part is the Government of Ghana, it is an international business transaction.’

This implies that the term ‘international business transaction’ covers transactions or agreements concluded by the GoG with a foreign government, a foreign company, a firm or transnational corporation or an international institution or an agency of a foreign government.[6] Examples of such are bilateral investment promotion and protection agreements, joint venture between GoG and foreign companies, and debt rescheduling with international financial institutions.[7] So long as GoG is a party to a transaction in which the other contracting party is a foreign entity, such transaction must be scrutinised and approved by parliament to be enforceable.  In Faroe, the Supreme Court held that a Power Purchase Agreement between Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd and GoG (acting through the Ministry of Mines and Energy) entered into in 1998 without parliamentary approval, contrary to article 181(5), was unconstitutional and as a result unenforceable. The Court refused the enforcement of damages awarded Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd by the trial court because an unconstitutional agreement is not binding on the Republic, even though the trial court had held GoG to be in breach of it.

4.0  Circumstances under which the State could be held liable for transactions entered into by State-Owned Enterprises (‘SOEs’)

The Supreme Court in Klomega appears to have adopted a three-tier ‘test’ in its determination of whether or not a State-Owned Enterprise (‘SOE’) or public corporation falls within the meaning of the word ‘government’ as used in article 181(5). The test being: (i) if the SOE has a separate legal personality, it does not fall within the purview of article 181(5); (ii) if the SOE’s transactions are subject to ministerial oversight, then the ministerial oversight is adequate. Therefore, the transaction does not fall within article 181(5); and (iii) it is impracticable to subject every transaction entered into by an SOE to parliamentary approval. As such, not every transaction entered into by an SOE should be subjected to parliamentary approval.

4.1     Relationship between Government and SOEs

There is hardly any widely accepted definition of an SOE. However, most SOEs have certain key characteristics; namely,

(i)                 the SOE has a separate legal personality;

(ii)              it is at least partially controlled by a government unit; and

(iii)            it engages largely in commercial or economic activities.[8]

Therefore, it is common to find statutes establishing SOEs conferring separate legal personality status on them by default. The GPHA (2nd Defendant in Klomega) for instance is established as a body corporate having perpetual succession and can sue and be sued in its own name. According to the establishment statute (PNDCL 160), GHPA in the performance of its functions may acquire movable or immovable property; dispose of such property and enter into a contract of any other transaction.[9]

Despite their separate legal personality, SOEs often perform functions that are public in nature. In many countries, SOEs provide basic services such as water, electricity, and transportation to people. Some SOEs also perform functions that are regulatory in nature.  The GPHA for instance is empowered by its establishment statute to ‘plan, build, develop, manage, maintain, operate and control ports in Ghana’. In doing so, it is mandated to amongst others, ‘regulate the use of any port and of the port facilities’; ‘license small ships to lie, ply for hire or otherwise be used within a port upon such terms and conditions as the Authority [GPHA] may deem fit’; ‘appoint, license and regulate stevedores, master porters to operate in the container terminals’.[10] The GPHA is also empowered to ‘…by legislative instrument make regulations for the maintenance, control and management of any port…’[11] In addition to these regulatory functions, some SOEs are also funded by the State and are subject to some level of government control. In the case of GPHA for instance, its funding sources include budget allocations and loans from GoG.[12] The State may also acquire property for GPHA under the State Property and Contracts Act, 1960 (C.A.6) and the State Lands Act, 1962 (Act 125).[13] In terms of control, the President appoints the Director-General and members of the GPHA’s governing Board.[14] The GPHA Board is required to comply with directives given by the President in its operations.[15] All these characteristics of the GPHA demonstrate that despite its separate legal personality, the GPHA is essentially an extension of government, even though in carrying out its commercial operations it may not appear to be carrying out a direct government function.

4.2   When may an SOE’s corporate veil be lifted?

There are instances where a court could disregard the separate legal status of an SOE in order to hold the State liable for the contractual obligations or actions of an SOE. In the case of First National City Bank v. Banco Para El Comercio Exterior de Cuba I (Citibank)[16] (herein referred to as ‘Bancec’), the United States Supreme Court considered whether an American bank may counterclaim against a Cuban government trading company for the value of the American bank’s assets expropriated by the Cuban central government. The dispute in Citibank arose out of Citibank’s conversion of funds belonging to Banco Para El Comercio Exterior de Cuba (‘Bancec’). The resolution of the dispute, however, centered on the relationship between Bancec and the Cuban central government. Despite Cuban legislation establishing the trading company as an autonomous juridical entity, the Supreme Court treated the trading company as an alter ego of the Cuban central government. It held that while there exists a strong presumption that government instrumentalities have a separate legal identity (along with limited liability) from their ‘parent’ governments, this presumption can be overcome in certain situations—for example, ‘where a corporate entity is so extensively controlled by its owner that a relationship of principal and agent is created, one may be held liable for the actions of the other.’ In addition, the court emphasized that the doctrine of corporate entity would be disregarded where its recognition would lead to fraud or injustice. Thus, in Bancec the US Supreme Court established a disjunctive test for when the separate identities of sovereign and instrumentality should be disregarded: when there is ‘extensive[] control,’ and when recognising the separate identities would lead to  ‘fraud or injustice’.

Recently in the case of Rubin v. Islamic Republic of Iran[17], the US Supreme Court expanded the ‘Bancec test’. The plaintiffs in Rubin held a judgment against the Islamic Republic of Iran and attempted to attach and execute against certain Iranian artifacts on loan to the University of Chicago. In addressing whether that attachment was proper (it was not), the Supreme Court established a multi-factor test to aid its analysis:

(1) the level of economic control by the government;

(2) whether the entity’s profits go to the government;

(3) the degree to which government officials manage the entity or otherwise have a hand in its daily affairs; and

(4) whether the government is the real beneficiary of the entity’s conduct.

Even though the US supreme court decision is not binding on our courts, this multi-factor test established by the US Supreme Court in Bancec and Rubin is useful in our analysis of Klomega.

In the case of Klomega, the GPHA by its establishment statute has a separate legal personality. Therefore, there is a presumption that GPHA operates independently from the central government. However, as the US Supreme Court made it clear in Bancec and Rubin there are some extraordinary circumstances—including where the central government exerts dominion over a state corporation or SOE so extensive as to be beyond normal supervisory control—that require that we ignore the formal separateness of the two entities (central government and SOE).

The establishment statute and the operations of the GPHA warrant that in considering whether to subject its international business transactions to parliamentary scrutiny and approval, the court sets aside GPHA’s corporate veil because it is essentially an extension of government. Budget allocations and loans from GoG are a key source of funding for the GPHA. The GPHA cannot maintain a foreign exchange account into which it may keep part of its revenue except with the approval of the Finance Minister.[18] The Auditor-General whose mandate is to audit and report on all public accounts of Ghana audits the account books and records of the GPHA.[19]

Further, its establishment statute allows GoG to acquire property for GPHA under the State Property and Contracts Act, 1960 (C.A.6) and the State Lands Act, 1962 (Act 125). The President appoints the Director-General and members of the GPHA’s Board. The GPHA Board is by law required to comply with directives given by the President in its operations. At the end of every financial year, the GPHA Board is under obligation to submit a report on the activities of the GPHA to the Minister of Transport who in turn submits a copy of the report to the President.[20]

In addition, the Minister of Transport may ‘from time to time’ request the GPHA Board to furnish him with such reports.[21] It is also worth mentioning that all SOEs are under obligation to submit their audited financial statements to the Finance Minister ‘not later than four months after the end of each financial year’.[22]

All these factors demonstrate that GoG’s dominion over GPHA is so extensive and goes beyond normal supervisory control. Therefore, in giving effect to article 181(5) of the Constitution, it is sound to reason that an entity like the GPHA falls within the meaning of ‘government’ for the purposes of subjecting its international business transactions to parliamentary scrutiny and approval.

4.2.1  Substituting parliamentary scrutiny for ministerial supervision

The Supreme Court in Klomega reasoned that

where an agency has a separate legal personality distinct from central government, it usually comes under sectoral ministerial supervision. The Board of the corporation and the appropriate Ministry should then exercise oversight over its international business or economic agreements. That oversight should be exercised within the context of the procurement laws of this country.

Ministerial supervision cannot be a substitute for parliamentary oversight. Substituting parliamentary oversight for ministerial (executive) supervision is counterproductive given the fundamental purpose of article 181; which is to ensure transparency and openness. Further, the fact of ministerial supervision itself clearly shows the controlling hand of GoG; even more reason to subject the international business transactions of SOEs to parliamentary scrutiny.

4.2.2  Sidestepping the constitution to avoid overburdening Parliament

The Supreme Court in Klomega also reasoned that ‘Parliament would be sucked into unnecessary minutiae if it were to have the function of approving the international business or economic agreements of statutory corporations.’ The court’s ‘purposive’ interpretation of article 181(5) cures no mischief. It essentially amounts to sidestepping the Constitution in the name of practicality. This interpretation compromises ‘democratic transparency for commercial expediency’.[23] The decision creates room for the central government to circumvent accountability mechanisms established by the constitution by entering into international business transactions with varied financial implications, using SOEs as conduits.

Further, this interpretation is contrary to the court’s own jurisprudence. In Faroe, the court speaking through Sophia Akuffo JSC held that

“[t]he Constitution is the supreme law of the land and article 1(1) makes it clear that ‘…the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in this Constitution.’ As the supreme law of the land, the Constitution is applicable at all times and all acts and things, particularly those done for and on behalf of the Republic of Ghana, must always be tested against its provisions. In the course of judicial proceedings, it is incumbent upon every Judge to keep its provisions in mind to assure compliance, not only by the parties before it, but also by the court itself.’

The court in carrying out its sacred duty of interpreting the constitution cannot be seen to pick and choose when and how an express constitutional instruction—in this case article 181(5)—should apply.

5.0     Conclusion and Way forward

The State has frequently been forced to defend costly suits in international arbitration; risking or paying huge judgment awards for alleged breaches of some of these agreements. The opacity surrounding the negotiation of these agreements, their fairness and or value for money are justifiable grounds for concern. Parliament’s failure to subject these agreements to diligent and independent scrutiny has been identified as a significant gap. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court has failed to provide a solution as its decision in Klomega has further compounded the problem. As I have shown in this paper, the Court’s reasoning for failing to treat the GPHA (an SOE) as an extension of government within the context of article 181(5) is unsustainable. In a number of decisions such as Klomega and Faroe, the Court continues to call on Parliament to express clearly in statute the scope of its intervention with regard to such agreements. However, Parliament’s lack of intervention does not dispense with the need to clarify article 181(5) in a way that meets the history of the provision, and the objectives for which they were included in the 1992 Constitution. Even as we interpret this provision to align with evolving business practices and demands of commercial contracting, it is crucial that those objectives are preserved. The concerns necessitating the inclusion of this constitutional provision have not changed just because business practices have evolved. In fact, one could argue that the risks have gotten worse.

That said, because the Supreme Court has flubbed its lines; and worse, is whittling down the scope of Parliament’s obligation under article 181(5), under a paternalistic pretext of saving Parliament from doing excessive work, there is the need for Parliament to be awake to its role and to step up. In doing so, Parliament must clarify the types of international commercial agreements which must be subjected to parliamentary scrutiny and approval. For instance, Parliament can expressly state in statute that any international commercial transaction by a state entity above a certain threshold (monetary value) should be subjected to comprehensive parliamentary review. The review of transactions above the stated threshold must not be conducted under the routine ‘certificate of emergency’ to allow for a more diligent scrutiny.

 

References

[1] [2013-2015] 2 GLR 546

[2] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 589

[3] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 590

[4] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 591

[5] [2003-2005] 2 GLR 580

[6] Report of the Constitutional Review Commission, para 279

[7] E. Y. Benneh, ‘Comments on External Loan Agreements, International Business Transactions and the Treaty-Making Power under the Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana’, University of Ghana Law Journal (1996-1999), p.79

[8] ‘State-Owned Enterprises: The Other Government’, International Monetary Fund, April 2020, p.1

[9] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[10] Section 5, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[11] Section 24, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[12] Section 11, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[13] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[14] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[15] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[16] 103 S. Ct. 2591 (1983)

[17] 138 S. Ct. 816, 823 (2018)

[18] Section 13, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[19] Article 187(2), 1992 Constitution; Section 15, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[20] Section 16, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[21] ibid

[22] Section 95, Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921)

[23] Nana Dr. S.K.B. Asante, ‘Proposed Amendment of Article 181 of the Constitution; vol. 3: No. 4. 1996, p.2. Legislative Alert, published by the Institute of Economic Affairs, Accra, Ghana.



PS. This paper was originally published by the Ghana School of Law Journal (Volume VI), August 2021

Thursday 14 October 2021

Why proponents of Ghana's ‘anti-gay bill’ get it so wrong

        Photo credit: globalcitizen.org

The propriety of the Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 ('anti-gay bill') has generated national conversations in the past few weeks. The anti-gay bill seeks, in a nutshell, to criminalise LGBTQ+ sexual relationships and associations. The bill also criminalises directly or indirectly a wide range of other perceived non-heterosexual conduct, vestimentary habits and any advocacy for or in support of LGBTQ+ rights or persons. Some of the bill’s proscriptions also apply to non-LGBTQ+ persons.

In this piece, I shall catalogue the key arguments made by proponents of the bill and address them from a legal and governance policy perspective for the purposes of public education.

 

1.      Proponents of the bill argue in the memorandum to the bill that LGBTQ+ and related activities are not consistent with Ghanaian traditional and cultural values. Therefore, the clauses in the bill which place excessive restrictions on basic rights guaranteed by Ghana’s constitution such as the right to privacy, free expression, association, non-discrimination, personal autonomy, amongst others are justified.

 

Response: Under Ghana’s Constitution, culture is NOT used to determine whether rights are allowable. Rather, custom is assessed on the basis of whether it infringes rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Chapter 5 of the Constitution which guarantees basic rights and proceeds to provide the circumstances under which these rights could be restricted makes no provision for the restriction of rights on the basis of 'traditional Ghanaian customs, beliefs and values' (see Article 21 of the 1992 Constitution).  

 

2.      In the memorandum to the bill, the sponsors of the bill argue that LGBTQ+ persons and related activities threaten the concept of family and the associated value systems that are central to the social structure of all ethnic groups in Ghana.

 

Response: Under Ghanaian law, LGBTQ+ persons are excluded from the institution of marriage [see Marriages Act, 1885-1985 (CAP 127)]. Its therefore strange how anyone could suggest that they pose a threat to marriage and family life. Beyond this mere assertion, proponents of the bill do not demonstrate in what ways LGBTQ+ persons represent a threat to family or to marriage. All LGBTQ+ persons ask is to be left alone. How that constitutes a threat to family life is yet to be explained by the proponents of the bill.

 

3.      Proponents of the bill justify the restrictions placed on basic rights on the ground that rights are not absolute. Therefore, the rights of LGBTQ+ persons are restrictable. According to them, the State's power to restrict rights is demonstrated in the passage of the Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038) which permits reasonable restrictions on the right to privacy, and the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act, 2019 (Act 999) which proscribes the formation of groups for the furtherance of interests by the use of threat of violence or intimidation. 

 

 

Response: Of course, rights are not absolute. But neither is the power of the State to restrict rights absolute. The State must show sound public interest or public policy justification for restricting a right. No such justification has been provided by the proponents of the bill for the excessive restrictions on the rights of LGBTQ+ persons and or persons who may want to advocate for the rights of this minority group. Under the 2 statutes cited (Act 1038 and Act 999), the public interest justification for the restrictions placed on rights to privacy and association is national security. For instance, in the case of the Vigilantism Act, our experience as a country has shown that if left unchecked, 'vigilantism' has the propensity to create far-reaching social chaos and disrupt public law and order. The violence that characterised the 2016 and 2020 general elections are enough proof of the need for such a law criminalising ‘vigilantism’. Unlike these two statutes which provide national security as a sound justification for the restrictions placed on  the above-mentioned rights, the anti-gay bill provides no such public interest grounds for restricting rights to privacy, free expression, personal autonomy, non-discrimination, association, etc.

 

 

4.      Proponents of the bill also justify it by expressing a public health concern. They cite a 2017 report of the Science Research Council which says that about 18.1% of people living with AIDS are men who sleep with men. They then proceed to single out LGBTQ+ persons and their activities for criminalisation.

 

Response: In citing this data, the proponents of the bill fail to realise that on its flip side, this very statistic means that roughly four-fifths (81.9%) of persons living with HIV/AIDS cases bear no relationship to LGBTQ+ persons. They fail to demonstrate how LGBTQ+ persons infringe on the rights and freedoms of others or how the private sexual or amorous relations of mutually consenting adults of sound mind, whether heterosexual or same-sex, pose a public health threat. Instead of focusing exclusively on LGBTQ+ persons, proponents of the bill should concern themselves with the social costs and health consequences of all forms of sexual behavior—whether between heterosexuals or LGBTQ+ persons. The appropriate public policy response then is not to criminalise LGBTQ+ persons or their activities, but an intervention that ensures that all potentially sexually active persons, whether LGBTQ+ or heterosexual, are provided adequate and appropriate education on responsible sex or sexual behaviour as well as access to medical advice and care.

 

In a democratic dispensation where the rights of all persons, including social minorities, are guaranteed under the Constitution, any legislation seeking to target and single out LGBT+ persons or gay rights advocates for such unfair treatment further marginalises and victimises them and sets a dangerous precedent for the treatment of unpopular minorities in general. The proponents of this anti-gay bill need to understand that treating other persons unfairly does not guarantee equal justice for anyone.

Monday 11 October 2021

Fact checking the CNN interview with Ghanaian MP over proposed anti-gay bill in Ghana

 

        Photo credit: American Psychological Association 


A CNN interview of Ghanaian MP, Sam George, on or about October 8, 2021, over a proposed bill—the Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 ('anti-gay bill')appears to have won the lead sponsor of the bill praise in some quarters in Ghana for defense of the bill.

The anti-gay bill seeks, in a nutshell, to criminalise LGBTQ+ sexual relationships and associations. The bill also criminalises directly or indirectly a wide range of other perceived non-heterosexual conduct, vestimentary habits and any advocacy for or in support of LGBTQ+ rights or persons. Some of the bill’s proscriptions also apply to non-LGBTQ+ persons.

In the said CNN interview, Sam George, the lead sponsor of the private members’ bill makes a number of claims and deductions which are false. The facts he alluded to are as false as his reasoning. Despite the apparent falsity of George’s claims, the CNN interviewer, Kenyan journalist Larry Madawo, failed to point out these factually inaccurate statements and completely false deductions to him, perhaps due to his own lack of adequate preparation. I shall catalogue these issues and deal with them for the purposes of public education.


1.      The Afrobarometer survey finding that Ghanaians are generally intolerant of LGBTQ+ persons

The MP Sam George cites an Afrobarometer survey finding that 93% of Ghanaians would not wish to have LGBTQ+ persons as their neighbours. i.e. Ghanaians are generally less tolerant of LGBTQ+ persons. Therefore, there is justification for the bill which criminalises LGBTQ+ and related activities. Indeed, the proponents of the bill make similar arguments in the memorandum to the bill.
The MP conveniently forgets that the same Afrobarometer survey
he refers to found a high tolerance for wife beating among Ghanaians. Going by his logic, Ghana should have legislation de-criminalising domestic violence too, No?!

In a democratic society, that Afrobarometer finding means that LGBTQ+ persons are more vulnerable to discrimination and harm and the response of the State should be to fulfil its obligations under Ghana’s Constitution by ensuring that it adopts extraordinary measures to protect such persons. The appropriate State response is NOT to formally license (by way of an anti-gay bill) majority intolerance and discrimination and deprive those minorities (in this case LGBTQ+ persons) of their basic human rights.

 

2.      The case for conversion therapy

The MP and his fellow sponsors of the private member's bill, profess knowledge on a subject (homosexuality) about which knowledge and understanding continues to evolve and propose a so-called ’conversion therapy' as a supposed 'cure' for homosexuality (See p.9 of memorandum to the bill). He makes the same argument in this CNN interview. Conversion therapy is a pseudoscientific practice (a collection of beliefs/practices mistakenly regarded as being based on scientific method) of attempting to change an individual's sexual orientation from homosexuality or bisexual using psychological, physical, or spiritual interventions. The point has to be made that there is no reliable evidence anywhere that sexual orientation can be changed. Medical experts around the world question the scientific legitimacy of this therapy. In an August 8, 2019 ‘New England Journal of Medicine’ report, medical experts observed that so-called "conversion therapy" can trigger depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and suicidal thoughts and attempts, and it should be banished in the United States. ‘As a result of the lack of regulation on these 'therapies,' many adults and children continue to be defrauded, harmed and traumatised in the U.S. every day,’ said the report’s lead author Dr. Carl Streed, Jr. The assumption that one can change his/her sexuality through some therapy is as laughable as it is silly. It's even more laughable when you seek to justify a bill criminalising LBGTQ+ using it as a basis. On page 9 of the Memorandum to the anti-gay bill, Sam George and his co-sponsors of the bill argue that, ‘…we also recognise that groups of vulnerable persons in the [LGBTQ+] discussion ought to receive support to address underlying biological, social and economic issues that make them prone to the rapacious activities of persons involved in [LGBTQ+] activities. Social support systems must be established to help the vulnerable persons understand their sexuality and to access psychological or physiological support where necessary’.!

The distinguished Ghanaian-British philosopher, Kwame Anthony Appiah, is one of the most sought-after philosophers in the world today. He's an Asante royal (son of the great lawyer and statesman Joe Appiah) and also comes from an aristocratic British family (son of Peggy Cripps whose father was Chancellor of the Exchequer in Britain; a man who was instrumental in negotiating India's independence from Britain). For his unparalleled brilliance, Anthony Appiah is sought after by elite universities around the world: Oxford, Cambridge, Yale, Harvard and now NYU. He’s gay. He's obviously a person of unlimited means. Question: If being gay was/is a choice for such a person, why would Anthony Appiah not change his sexuality through the so called 'conversion therapy'?

3.      False claim over the 19th amendment to the US Constitution

George also justified the bill saying ‘laws are a reflection of society. Until 1960 American society did not find women fit to vote and so women did not vote there…’ This claim is also completely false. The 19th Amendment to the US Constitution granting women the right to vote was passed by Congress on June 4, 1919 and ratified on August 18, 1920.


    4.        The culture justification

George also claimed in this interview that ‘the bill is supported by the National house of chiefs… Ghanaian culture forbids homosexuality…’. This argument is also made in the memorandum to the bill in which proponents argue that the proposed restrictions on the rights of LGBTQ+ persons are justified because LGBTQ+ persons and their activities do not conform to ‘traditional Ghanaian customs, beliefs and values’. Sam George and his co-sponsors also justify the bill and its restrictions on the basis that no right is absolute. Of course, no right is absolute but. But so is the State’s power to curtail a right not absolute. Rights would be meaningless if all it took to destroy them was the passage or implementation of any law aimed at destroying them.  In order to ensure the maximum possible protection for a right guaranteed under the Constitution, the Constitution sets a high bar for any law that seeks or purports to restrict a guaranteed right. Among other things, the policy grounds for restricting the personal liberties of persons irrespective of their gender, ethnicity, faith or sexual orientation must align with grounds provided by and permissible under Ghana’s Constitution. Under the Constitution, culture is not used to determine whether rights are allowable; rather custom is assessed on the basis of whether it infringes rights. Chapter 5 of Ghana’s Constitution sets forth grounds and the circumstances under which personal liberties may be restricted. The circumstances include where a person’s liberties are restricted (i) in execution of a sentence or order of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which a person has been convicted [Article 14(1) (a)]; (ii) in execution of an order of a court punishing a person for contempt of court [Article 14(1)(b)]; (iii) for the purpose of bringing a person before a court in execution of an order of a court [Article 14(1)(c)]; (iv) in the case of a person suffering from an infectious or contagious disease, a person of unsound mind, a person addicted to drugs or alcohol or a vagrant, for the purpose of his care or treatment or the protection of the community [Article 14(1)(d)]; and (v) for the purpose of the education or welfare of a person who has not attained the age of eighteen years [Article 14(1) (e)]. In addition, a person’s right may be restricted ‘for the purpose of preventing the unlawful entry of that person into Ghana, or of effecting the expulsion, extradition or other lawful removal of that person from Ghana or for the purpose of restricting that person while he is being lawfully conveyed through Ghana in the course of his extradition or removal from one country to another [Article 14(1)(h)]; or upon reasonable suspicion of his having committed or being about to commit a criminal offence under the laws of Ghana’ [Article 14(1)(g)].

Evidently, Chapter 5 of the Constitution makes no provision for the restriction of personal liberties on the ground of ‘traditional Ghanaian customs, beliefs and values.’  “Culture”—as important as it is in other realms—cannot be invoked or used to override constitutional rights.

I have had the opportunity to review a number of draft legislations in my line of work as a legal policy person. In reviewing draft legislations, one has to consider the object of the bill or the legislative gap the proposed bill seeks to fill. In other words, the ‘mischief’ the bill seeks to cure, as the lawyers would put it. One also has to pit the proposed clauses against constitutional provisions and court decisions to check if the proposed clauses are compatible with same. International law and best practice(s) in other jurisdictions are also an important yardstick.

I point out these considerations to highlight the fact that this is the first time I have come across a draft bill which is so incurably deficient. The proposed anti-gay bill is so constitutionally flawed to the extent that no amount of amendment, tweaking or redrafting could possibly save it!

 

 

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