Sunday 7 November 2021

Parliamentary immunity: a ticket above the law?


The ongoing impasse between the Ghana Police Service and the Member of Parliament (MP) for Madina Constituency, Mr. Francis Xavier-Sosu, supported by the Speaker of Parliament, over unsuccessful attempts by the Police to invite the MP to assist with investigations relating to a demonstration he is said to have led raises a key constitutional question about the appropriate procedure for serving a criminal process on or arresting an MP.

In his refusal to attend to the Police invitation, Mr. Xavier-Sosu invoked parliamentary privilege. In a press release issued on behalf of the Speaker by the Deputy Clerk of Parliament on November 3, 2021, the Speaker rightly acknowledged that MPs are not above the law and that the immunity from civil and criminal processes granted MPs are limited to the performance of parliamentary proceedings. However, he argues that the Police require his clearance in order to execute criminal processes against MPs while Parliament is in session.

‘The appropriate procedure is to secure from the Speaker a certificate that the Member in question is not attending to Parliamentary Business. Anything short of this should not be entertained by the House’, the press release noted.

The Ghana Police Service has now filed criminal summons against Mr. Sosu for ‘unlawfully blocking a public road and the destruction of public property’ following the demonstration which took place on Sunday, October 31, 2021.

Given the cyclical controversy relating to the qualified immunity of MPs under the 1992 Constitution (‘Constitution’) and the likelihood that this matter may degenerate into unhealthy partisan bickering, it is important to shed some light on the scope of the qualified immunity of MPs for the purposes of public education.

First, the rule of law—one of the cardinal principles of our constitutional democracy—dictates that all persons, irrespective of their social standing, must be treated equally before the law [Article 17(1)]. Despite this principle, the Constitution grants certain categories of public officials limited immunity from civil and criminal processes while in office for good reason. The President, in whom all executive authority of the State is vested, is the only public officer granted absolute immunity from civil and criminal processes while in office [(Article 57 (4)]. This is to enable the President perform the duties of his/her high office without any distractions occasioned by civil and criminal processes. Unlike the absolute immunity granted the President, members of the judicial and legislative arms of government are granted limited immunity from civil or criminal proceedings insofar as such processes relate to judicial and parliamentary proceedings.

In the case of MPs, the qualified immunity accorded them by the Constitution is only applicable so long as MPs are involved in parliamentary proceedings [Articles 117 and 118]. To facilitate the official (not personal) work of MPs, the Constitution provides that ‘civil or criminal process coming from any court or place out of Parliament shall not be served on, or executed in relation to, the Speaker or member or the clerk to Parliament while he is ON HIS WAY TO, ATTENDING AT OR RETURNING FROM, ANY PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT (Article 117) [Emphasis added]. To limit obstructions to their official duties (parliamentary proceedings), the Constitution further provides that MPs ‘shall not be compelled, while attending Parliament to appear as a witness in any court or place out of Parliament’ (Article 118) [Emphasis added].

The qualified immunity accorded MPs can, therefore, be invoked ONLY under three (3) circumstances:

(i)                 Where an MP is ‘on his way to’ (attending) parliamentary proceedings;

(ii)              ‘Attending’ parliamentary proceedings; and

(iii)            ‘Returning from’ parliamentary proceedings.

Obviously, an MP cannot be deemed to be performing any of the above-mentioned parliamentary related activities when he is engaged in an unofficial or private activity to warrant the invocation of parliamentary privilege as contemplated by the Constitution. Under such unofficial circumstances, the Police need not seek the prior consent or clearance from the Speaker of Parliament to effect the arrest of an MP or serve a criminal process on him/her.

Second, to fully appreciate the meaning of the relevant constitutional provisions, it is useful to deduce the intention of the framers of the Constitution. The intention of the framers of the Constitution for the above-mentioned provisions—which were originally introduced in the 1969 Constitution—could be deduced from the Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution of Ghana, 1968 (‘the 1968 proposals’). The Commission noted as follows:

428. Parliamentary immunities are intended to protect Parliamentarians against the possibility of legal actions being brought against them by either the government or by private citizens for anything they may have done IN THE PERFORMANCE OF THEIR PARLIAMENTARY DUTIES.

429. The history of parliamentary privileges and immunities goes back to the days when the people's representatives were faced with powerful governments which did not spare any efforts to intimidate and harrass them. These days when Parliament has no real cause to fear Executive interference, these privileges and immunities are less justifiable. Nevertheless, they still retain their essential raison d'etre because they are not considered simply as favours granted to Parliamentarians in their personal capacity, but rather as rules designed to secure the complete independence of Parliament.

433. Further, in order to ensure that Members of Parliament are not prevented from participating in the work of the House, they should be granted immunity from arrest and detention while they are travelling to and from Parliament or while they are attending Parliament. THIS IMMUNITY HOWEVER SHOULD NOT BE MADE TO COVER SERIOUS OFFENCES SUCH AS TREASON, SEDITION AND FELONY, NOR APPLY TO OFFENCES in flagrante delicto [to wit, in the very act of committing an offence]' [Emphasis added]

Considering the above-mentioned 1968 proposals and the Constitution, it is sound to reason that parliamentary privilege is meant to facilitate the performance of the official work of MPs. It is personal to an MP ONLY insofar as that MP is on or about the business of Parliament. MPs cannot invoke their limited parliamentary immunity when they are engaged in non-parliamentary work and not travelling to Parliament, attending parliamentary proceedings or returning from Parliament, in order to evade court summons, arrest warrants, search warrants, etc. executed in accordance with police powers granted by the Constitution, the Criminal Procedure Act, 1960 (Act 30) and other relevant law. The Speaker’s suggestion that the Police ought to seek his clearance before inviting, searching or executing the arrest of an MP while Parliament is in session would make a mockery of the rule of law.

Third, this reasoning is consistent with best parliamentary practice in democracies around the world. For instance, the UK Parliament’s rules and procedure provide that MPs are protected by privilege only when they are engaged in proceedings in Parliament. UK MPs have no special protection for anything they do outside those proceedings. The rules highlight the fact that not everything that happens in Parliament is a ‘proceeding’. This means that the protections of privilege do not apply to some things done by MPs. For example, they do not apply to correspondence with constituents or ministers, social media activities, statements to the press whether on or off the parliamentary premises, and political party meetings. The boundaries of ‘proceedings’ have been interpreted to the effect that MPs have no immunity from the criminal law. In Canada, the procedure and practice of the House of Commons is that the Speaker, in making a ruling on whether or not to invoke parliamentary immunity, must differentiate between actions which directly affect MPs in the performance of their duties, and actions which affect MPs but do not directly relate to the performance of their functions. For example, if an MP is summoned to court for a traffic violation or his tax return is subject to investigations, the MP could be said to be hampered in the performance of his or her duties at first glance because the MP may have to defend himself or herself in court instead of attending to House or committee duties. However, in these cases, the action brought against an MP is not initiated as a result of his or her responsibilities as a legislator, but rather as a result of actions taken by the MP as a private individual. In these situations, the protection afforded by parliamentary privilege does not and should not apply.

 

Conclusion

Considering the intention of the framers of our Constitution in granting MPs limited immunity in respect of their official duties, the ongoing impasse between the Speaker and the Ghana Police Service is needless. Given that the matter is now before the courts, it would be useful for the leadership of these two important state institutions to formally sit and agree on the appropriate procedure to follow in enforcing the criminal law with respect to MPs, given due consideration to best practice around the world and the principles which underpine constitutional governance in this country. The majority and minority caucuses of Parliament should also avoid politicising this important matter which goes to heart of our constitutional order.

The Supreme Court ought to, at the earlier opportunity (in an article 2 suit), provide clarity on the relevant constitutional provisions in a manner which is progressive and consistent with the principles of rule of law, constitutionalism and best parliamentary practice around the world.

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

Monday 1 November 2021

6 Practical tips for GSL Part 1 students


While we continue to engage the persons clothed with power within the legal establishment and the executive to do right by the 499 LLB students who have unjustifiably been denied admission, it's also appropriate we congratulate the hundreds who made it into the Ghana School of Law ('GSL') for the practice course beginning this 2021/2022 academic year.

Here are some practical tips on how to sail through Part 1 of the practice course. These tips/strategies—some of which I learned from my seniors—worked for me. It's my hope current Part 1 students would find them useful as well.

1. Give all courses ample study time. Law of Evidence is as important as Civil Procedure; Company and Commercial Practice is as important as ADR and Criminal Procedure. Law Practice Management (LPM) and Legal Accountancy are equally important. Avoid spending too much time on one and neglecting another. The School's repeat policy (you fail 3 or more, you repeat the entire course) is unprogressive. But until it's abolished, please avoid being caught in the web. Do not rob Peter to pay Paul.

2. Start drafting as early as you can. You'd find lots of drafting in civil procedure and criminal procedure. You'd find a few in company and commercial practice, and ADR. Best to start rehearsing them early so you can remember all essential features of relevant processes. If you wait and cram just a few days ahead of the exam, you'd be hot and it may not end well for you. Practise at least one draft a day (I wish I did!). Take tutorials seriously. I cannot emphasise this enough.

3. There's a saying in the legal fraternity that a good lawyer is one who knows his civil procedure and evidence. This statement is largely true. How well you know both would impact your future practice. Read the rules as well as you read your cases. Think of the rules as bones and the cases, the flesh. The cases would deepen your understanding of the rules. They would shape your thinking and help you critique the rules as you go along. For civil procedure, you'd have to memorise the rules at some point. Develop a mental map of the rules from commencement to execution. It will serve you well. Develop flashcards where necessary. Take turns in your study group to test one another on the rules. 

4. Seek help early. Don't be shy to ask for help. Don't feel too big to ask for advice. If you fail to ask for help in a course you're struggling with, you may end up struggling in the exam. Ask for help. Legal accountancy is usually a challenge for neophytes. But it's doable. You'd definitely have colleagues in your class who are quite familiar with accounting. Worry them. Ask questions. Try your hands on tutorial/past questions and have them scrutinise them. If you need an extra class, go for it. Attend Senior Kwadwo Gyan's Civil Procedure tutorial (usually online). I found it very helpful. I hope you would too.  Don't wait and panic at the exam hall. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.

5. You'd have a lot to read for Law of Evidence; cases, text books and the Evidence Act. It's not a difficult course. However, what makes it challenging is the need to assemble ALL the relevant laws in a given question and APPLY them as required. Here's where the tutorial would be most helpful. After taking notes at a tutorial, spend time and read extensively on the given topic (applicable constitutional and statutory provisions, cases, etc.) and SCRIPT YOUR ANSWER to the given question. Do so for every tutorial question discussed. Ask your tutor or any senior to look over your draft scripts for you. If you're able to do this religiously, you'll be alright.

6. Join a workable discussion group (a group of 4/5 members is ideal). Iron sharpeneth iron. You'll find the peer review of your answers to tutorial/past questions useful. It might also be useful to compare notes with your contemporaries from other GSL campuses.

Best wishes.

 

 

 

Monday 25 October 2021

Klomega (no.2) v. Attorney-general, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority and others: a missed opportunity to strengthen public financial management

        Photo credit: trackingdocket.com

By Nicholas Opoku

Abstract

Agreements made by or on behalf of the Government of Ghana (‘GoG’) play a key role in securing resources for national development, managing the economy, and structuring Ghana’s relations with other countries. Concerns have frequently been raised, however, about the opacity surrounding the negotiation of these agreements, their fairness or value for money. Parliament, which must by law approve these Executive-initiated agreements before they can bind the State, has been criticised for failing in its duty to subject these agreements to diligent and independent scrutiny. On its part, the Supreme Court has been blamed for compounding the problem with its decision in Felix Klomega (No.2) v Attorney General, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority, Meridian Port Holdings Limited and Meridian Port Services Ltd[1] where it held that for the purposes of parliamentary scrutiny of public agreements, the word ‘government’ as used in article 181 of the 1992 Constitution does not include State corporate entities. Therefore, agreements and transactions entered into by such State entities need not undergo or receive parliamentary scrutiny and approval. The holding that subjecting such agreements to parliamentary scrutiny would overburden Parliament is disturbing. It effectively creates a window for the central government to enter into transactions with varied financial implications, using state entities as conduits; thereby circumventing accountability mechanisms established by the Constitution. This paper examines the Court’s decision in Klomega and its implications for public financial management and accountability.

Introduction

1.1     The facts of the case

The plaintiff, Felix Klomega, a Ghanaian citizen, instituted proceedings in the Supreme Court, pursuant to articles 2(1) and 130 of the 1992 Constitution (‘the Constitution’), challenging the constitutional validity of a concession agreement and an associated shareholders agreement for the design, construction and, subsequently, the maintenance, operation and management of the Container Terminal at the Tema Port, for a 20-year period.

The Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority (‘GPHA’) granted the concession to Meridian Port Services Limited (‘MPS’). MPS is a Ghanaian company, being a joint venture between Meridian Port Holdings Limited (‘MPH’) and the GPHA, with MPH being the majority shareholder. MPH is an English company, being a joint venture between leading container terminal operators APM Terminals and BollorĂ© Africa Logistics. The GPHA is a statutory corporation established by the Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160). The Attorney General was named as a defendant to the suit, along with GPHA, MPS and MPH.

1.2     The issues in the case

Article 181(5) of the Constitution requires that any ‘international business or economic transaction’ to which the government is a party must be approved by Parliament.

The plaintiff, Klomega, argued that the word ‘government’ (as used in article 181) included a state entity such as GPHA. Therefore, the concession agreement and shareholders’ agreement initiated and entered into by GPHA should be declared void for want of parliamentary authorisation or approval.

The defendants argued that the GPHA could not be included within the definition of ‘government’ because (i) the GPHA had been set up as a separate legal entity, distinct from the central government under PNDCL 160; (ii) the GPHA’s operations are commercial in nature. Therefore, it would be absurd to cripple its activities by requiring Parliamentary approval of its commercial deals; and (iii) that statutory corporations such as the GPHA have legal and operational autonomy and their financial transactions and international business or economic transactions should not be regarded as ones to which government is a party.

If, contrary to the arguments of the defendants, GPHA was deemed to be within the definition of ‘government’, the court was asked by plaintiff to determine whether the concession agreement and the shareholders’ agreement were, in any event, ‘international business or economic transactions’ for the purposes of article 181(5) of the Constitution.

1.3     The Supreme Court’s decision

On 19 July 2013, the Supreme Court in a unanimous decision dismissed the plaintiff’s action. On the principal issue as to whether the GPHA falls within the meaning of ‘government’, the Court held that in the context of article 181(5) and the facts of the case, the 2nd defendant (GPHA) is not to be regarded as coming within the meaning of ‘government’. The Court reasoned that to subject the international business transactions of statutory corporations with commercial functions to the Parliamentary approval process prescribed in article 181(5) would probably increase the weight of Parliament’s responsibilities in this regard to an unsustainable level. Accordingly, the court held that it is reasonable to infer that the framers of the Constitution did not intend such a result. In the court’s view, ‘government’ should mean, ordinarily, the central government and not operationally autonomous agencies of government.  As such, the word ‘government’ as used in the context of article 181(5), should be interpreted purposively to exclude statutory corporations such as the GPHA.

The Supreme Court did, however, state that its decision did not lay down an absolute rule. For instance, article 181(5) may still apply on the particular facts of a case if the central government was found to have made a particular statutory corporation its alter ego.

In this paper, I reflect on this Supreme Court decision and its implications for public financial management and accountability. First, I highlight the origins of article 181(5) to demonstrate the importance of parliamentary scrutiny and approval of transactions initiated by or entered into by the Government of Ghana (‘GoG’). Secondly, I discuss what constitutes an international business transaction. Thirdly, I discuss the circumstances under which the State could be held liable for the contractual obligations arising from a transaction initiated by or entered into by a State corporation or a State-owned enterprise (‘SOE’) to demonstrate why the Court’s reasoning in Klomega is unsustainable. I conclude with a call on the Supreme Court to review its decision at the earliest opportunity and for Parliament to step up to its constitutional obligation of passing legislation to regulate the scrutiny and approval of ‘article 181(5)’ transactions.

2.0  The origins and policy rationale of article 181

Article 181 of the Constitution states as follows:

(1) Parliament may, by a resolution supported by the votes of a majority of all the members of Parliament, authorise the Government to enter into an agreement for the granting of a loan out of any public fund or public account.

(2) An agreement entered into under clause (1) of this article shall be laid before Parliament and shall not come into operation unless it is approved by a resolution of Parliament.

(3) No loan shall be raised by the Government on behalf of itself or any other public institution or authority otherwise than by or under the authority of an Act of Parliament.

(4) An Act of Parliament enacted in accordance with clause (3) of this article shall provide—(a) That the terms and conditions of a loan shall be laid before Parliament and shall not come into operation unless they have been approved by a resolution of Parliament; and (b) That any moneys received in respect of that loan shall be paid into the Consolidated Fund and form part of that Fund or into some other public fund of Ghana either existing or created for the purposes of the loan.

(5) This article shall, with the necessary modifications by Parliament, apply to an international business or economic transaction to which the Government is a party as it applies to a loan. [Emphasis added]

To fully appreciate the thinking of the framers of the 1992 Constitution on this article, it is important to refer to its origin: article 133 of the 1969 Constitution. Article 133 of the 1969 Constitution dealt exclusively with loans without any reference to international business or economic transactions. The rational for this provision was expressed in the ‘The Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana (1968) (hereinafter referred to as ‘the 1968 Proposals’) thus:

‘One of the most revealing consequences of the coup d’etat of the 24th February was the realisation by the people of Ghana of the huge debt which the country owed. Apart from the fact that our economy had been made bankrupt we owed money, well over NC800, 000,000. We need not go into the details; we all know the various agreements which the National Liberation Council has had to undertake in order to have a rescheduling of our external debts. This calls for specific provisions in the Constitution to deal with the question of loans, and we propose that Government should not enter into an agreement for the granting of a loan out of any public fund or public account unless the National Assembly has approved, by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the Assembly, the granting of the loan.’[2]

‘We further propose that the agreement entered into in respect of the loan should be laid before the National Assembly and should not become effective or operative unless it has been approved by an ordinary resolution of the National Assembly in the case of a loan granted to an authority in the country, but where the agreement is in respect of a loan granted to an authority outside this country then the agreement should only come into force after a resolution in favour of the granting of the loan has been passed by the National Assembly, supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the National Assembly.’[3]

‘We are strongly of the view that the above proposals relating to the granting of loans should apply with equal force to the raising of loans. The only addition we wish to make is that the Government should not have power to raise a loan on behalf of itself or any public institution or authority except by or under the authority of an Act of Parliament. That Act of Parliament should incorporate our above proposals regarding resolutions of the National Assembly mutatis mutandis.’[4]

As the Supreme Court noted in Attorney-General v. Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd[5], “it is clear that the purpose of the framers of the original provision was to ensure transparency, openness and Parliamentary consent in relation to debt obligations contracted by the State. These original provisions of 1969 Constitution were maintained unchanged in the 1979 Constitution as article 144. It is in the 1992 Constitution that this long-standing provision on the giving and raising of loans is modified to include another category of contract, namely ‘an international business or economic transaction to which the Government is a party”.

3.0  What constitutes an international business or economic transaction?

The Constitution does not provide any interpretation of the term ‘international business transaction’. The Constitution however places an obligation on Parliament to pass legislation to give clarity on what constitutes an international business transaction to which government is a party and to which article 181(5) is applicable. Parliament is yet to fulfill this obligation. In the absence of such legislation, the Supreme Court has attempted to clarify what amounts to an international business transaction. The court speaking through Sophia Akuffo JSC in Faroe observed thus

‘…Article 181(5) specifically deals with international business or economic transactions, rather than loans. When one contracting party agrees to supply and the other party agrees to purchase and pay for the thing supplied, is there not a business transaction? I believe there is. And if the supplier is a non-Ghanaian entity and the party of the other part is the Government of Ghana, it is an international business transaction.’

This implies that the term ‘international business transaction’ covers transactions or agreements concluded by the GoG with a foreign government, a foreign company, a firm or transnational corporation or an international institution or an agency of a foreign government.[6] Examples of such are bilateral investment promotion and protection agreements, joint venture between GoG and foreign companies, and debt rescheduling with international financial institutions.[7] So long as GoG is a party to a transaction in which the other contracting party is a foreign entity, such transaction must be scrutinised and approved by parliament to be enforceable.  In Faroe, the Supreme Court held that a Power Purchase Agreement between Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd and GoG (acting through the Ministry of Mines and Energy) entered into in 1998 without parliamentary approval, contrary to article 181(5), was unconstitutional and as a result unenforceable. The Court refused the enforcement of damages awarded Faroe Atlantic Co. Ltd by the trial court because an unconstitutional agreement is not binding on the Republic, even though the trial court had held GoG to be in breach of it.

4.0  Circumstances under which the State could be held liable for transactions entered into by State-Owned Enterprises (‘SOEs’)

The Supreme Court in Klomega appears to have adopted a three-tier ‘test’ in its determination of whether or not a State-Owned Enterprise (‘SOE’) or public corporation falls within the meaning of the word ‘government’ as used in article 181(5). The test being: (i) if the SOE has a separate legal personality, it does not fall within the purview of article 181(5); (ii) if the SOE’s transactions are subject to ministerial oversight, then the ministerial oversight is adequate. Therefore, the transaction does not fall within article 181(5); and (iii) it is impracticable to subject every transaction entered into by an SOE to parliamentary approval. As such, not every transaction entered into by an SOE should be subjected to parliamentary approval.

4.1     Relationship between Government and SOEs

There is hardly any widely accepted definition of an SOE. However, most SOEs have certain key characteristics; namely,

(i)                 the SOE has a separate legal personality;

(ii)              it is at least partially controlled by a government unit; and

(iii)            it engages largely in commercial or economic activities.[8]

Therefore, it is common to find statutes establishing SOEs conferring separate legal personality status on them by default. The GPHA (2nd Defendant in Klomega) for instance is established as a body corporate having perpetual succession and can sue and be sued in its own name. According to the establishment statute (PNDCL 160), GHPA in the performance of its functions may acquire movable or immovable property; dispose of such property and enter into a contract of any other transaction.[9]

Despite their separate legal personality, SOEs often perform functions that are public in nature. In many countries, SOEs provide basic services such as water, electricity, and transportation to people. Some SOEs also perform functions that are regulatory in nature.  The GPHA for instance is empowered by its establishment statute to ‘plan, build, develop, manage, maintain, operate and control ports in Ghana’. In doing so, it is mandated to amongst others, ‘regulate the use of any port and of the port facilities’; ‘license small ships to lie, ply for hire or otherwise be used within a port upon such terms and conditions as the Authority [GPHA] may deem fit’; ‘appoint, license and regulate stevedores, master porters to operate in the container terminals’.[10] The GPHA is also empowered to ‘…by legislative instrument make regulations for the maintenance, control and management of any port…’[11] In addition to these regulatory functions, some SOEs are also funded by the State and are subject to some level of government control. In the case of GPHA for instance, its funding sources include budget allocations and loans from GoG.[12] The State may also acquire property for GPHA under the State Property and Contracts Act, 1960 (C.A.6) and the State Lands Act, 1962 (Act 125).[13] In terms of control, the President appoints the Director-General and members of the GPHA’s governing Board.[14] The GPHA Board is required to comply with directives given by the President in its operations.[15] All these characteristics of the GPHA demonstrate that despite its separate legal personality, the GPHA is essentially an extension of government, even though in carrying out its commercial operations it may not appear to be carrying out a direct government function.

4.2   When may an SOE’s corporate veil be lifted?

There are instances where a court could disregard the separate legal status of an SOE in order to hold the State liable for the contractual obligations or actions of an SOE. In the case of First National City Bank v. Banco Para El Comercio Exterior de Cuba I (Citibank)[16] (herein referred to as ‘Bancec’), the United States Supreme Court considered whether an American bank may counterclaim against a Cuban government trading company for the value of the American bank’s assets expropriated by the Cuban central government. The dispute in Citibank arose out of Citibank’s conversion of funds belonging to Banco Para El Comercio Exterior de Cuba (‘Bancec’). The resolution of the dispute, however, centered on the relationship between Bancec and the Cuban central government. Despite Cuban legislation establishing the trading company as an autonomous juridical entity, the Supreme Court treated the trading company as an alter ego of the Cuban central government. It held that while there exists a strong presumption that government instrumentalities have a separate legal identity (along with limited liability) from their ‘parent’ governments, this presumption can be overcome in certain situations—for example, ‘where a corporate entity is so extensively controlled by its owner that a relationship of principal and agent is created, one may be held liable for the actions of the other.’ In addition, the court emphasized that the doctrine of corporate entity would be disregarded where its recognition would lead to fraud or injustice. Thus, in Bancec the US Supreme Court established a disjunctive test for when the separate identities of sovereign and instrumentality should be disregarded: when there is ‘extensive[] control,’ and when recognising the separate identities would lead to  ‘fraud or injustice’.

Recently in the case of Rubin v. Islamic Republic of Iran[17], the US Supreme Court expanded the ‘Bancec test’. The plaintiffs in Rubin held a judgment against the Islamic Republic of Iran and attempted to attach and execute against certain Iranian artifacts on loan to the University of Chicago. In addressing whether that attachment was proper (it was not), the Supreme Court established a multi-factor test to aid its analysis:

(1) the level of economic control by the government;

(2) whether the entity’s profits go to the government;

(3) the degree to which government officials manage the entity or otherwise have a hand in its daily affairs; and

(4) whether the government is the real beneficiary of the entity’s conduct.

Even though the US supreme court decision is not binding on our courts, this multi-factor test established by the US Supreme Court in Bancec and Rubin is useful in our analysis of Klomega.

In the case of Klomega, the GPHA by its establishment statute has a separate legal personality. Therefore, there is a presumption that GPHA operates independently from the central government. However, as the US Supreme Court made it clear in Bancec and Rubin there are some extraordinary circumstances—including where the central government exerts dominion over a state corporation or SOE so extensive as to be beyond normal supervisory control—that require that we ignore the formal separateness of the two entities (central government and SOE).

The establishment statute and the operations of the GPHA warrant that in considering whether to subject its international business transactions to parliamentary scrutiny and approval, the court sets aside GPHA’s corporate veil because it is essentially an extension of government. Budget allocations and loans from GoG are a key source of funding for the GPHA. The GPHA cannot maintain a foreign exchange account into which it may keep part of its revenue except with the approval of the Finance Minister.[18] The Auditor-General whose mandate is to audit and report on all public accounts of Ghana audits the account books and records of the GPHA.[19]

Further, its establishment statute allows GoG to acquire property for GPHA under the State Property and Contracts Act, 1960 (C.A.6) and the State Lands Act, 1962 (Act 125). The President appoints the Director-General and members of the GPHA’s Board. The GPHA Board is by law required to comply with directives given by the President in its operations. At the end of every financial year, the GPHA Board is under obligation to submit a report on the activities of the GPHA to the Minister of Transport who in turn submits a copy of the report to the President.[20]

In addition, the Minister of Transport may ‘from time to time’ request the GPHA Board to furnish him with such reports.[21] It is also worth mentioning that all SOEs are under obligation to submit their audited financial statements to the Finance Minister ‘not later than four months after the end of each financial year’.[22]

All these factors demonstrate that GoG’s dominion over GPHA is so extensive and goes beyond normal supervisory control. Therefore, in giving effect to article 181(5) of the Constitution, it is sound to reason that an entity like the GPHA falls within the meaning of ‘government’ for the purposes of subjecting its international business transactions to parliamentary scrutiny and approval.

4.2.1  Substituting parliamentary scrutiny for ministerial supervision

The Supreme Court in Klomega reasoned that

where an agency has a separate legal personality distinct from central government, it usually comes under sectoral ministerial supervision. The Board of the corporation and the appropriate Ministry should then exercise oversight over its international business or economic agreements. That oversight should be exercised within the context of the procurement laws of this country.

Ministerial supervision cannot be a substitute for parliamentary oversight. Substituting parliamentary oversight for ministerial (executive) supervision is counterproductive given the fundamental purpose of article 181; which is to ensure transparency and openness. Further, the fact of ministerial supervision itself clearly shows the controlling hand of GoG; even more reason to subject the international business transactions of SOEs to parliamentary scrutiny.

4.2.2  Sidestepping the constitution to avoid overburdening Parliament

The Supreme Court in Klomega also reasoned that ‘Parliament would be sucked into unnecessary minutiae if it were to have the function of approving the international business or economic agreements of statutory corporations.’ The court’s ‘purposive’ interpretation of article 181(5) cures no mischief. It essentially amounts to sidestepping the Constitution in the name of practicality. This interpretation compromises ‘democratic transparency for commercial expediency’.[23] The decision creates room for the central government to circumvent accountability mechanisms established by the constitution by entering into international business transactions with varied financial implications, using SOEs as conduits.

Further, this interpretation is contrary to the court’s own jurisprudence. In Faroe, the court speaking through Sophia Akuffo JSC held that

“[t]he Constitution is the supreme law of the land and article 1(1) makes it clear that ‘…the powers of government are to be exercised in the manner and within the limits laid down in this Constitution.’ As the supreme law of the land, the Constitution is applicable at all times and all acts and things, particularly those done for and on behalf of the Republic of Ghana, must always be tested against its provisions. In the course of judicial proceedings, it is incumbent upon every Judge to keep its provisions in mind to assure compliance, not only by the parties before it, but also by the court itself.’

The court in carrying out its sacred duty of interpreting the constitution cannot be seen to pick and choose when and how an express constitutional instruction—in this case article 181(5)—should apply.

5.0     Conclusion and Way forward

The State has frequently been forced to defend costly suits in international arbitration; risking or paying huge judgment awards for alleged breaches of some of these agreements. The opacity surrounding the negotiation of these agreements, their fairness and or value for money are justifiable grounds for concern. Parliament’s failure to subject these agreements to diligent and independent scrutiny has been identified as a significant gap. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court has failed to provide a solution as its decision in Klomega has further compounded the problem. As I have shown in this paper, the Court’s reasoning for failing to treat the GPHA (an SOE) as an extension of government within the context of article 181(5) is unsustainable. In a number of decisions such as Klomega and Faroe, the Court continues to call on Parliament to express clearly in statute the scope of its intervention with regard to such agreements. However, Parliament’s lack of intervention does not dispense with the need to clarify article 181(5) in a way that meets the history of the provision, and the objectives for which they were included in the 1992 Constitution. Even as we interpret this provision to align with evolving business practices and demands of commercial contracting, it is crucial that those objectives are preserved. The concerns necessitating the inclusion of this constitutional provision have not changed just because business practices have evolved. In fact, one could argue that the risks have gotten worse.

That said, because the Supreme Court has flubbed its lines; and worse, is whittling down the scope of Parliament’s obligation under article 181(5), under a paternalistic pretext of saving Parliament from doing excessive work, there is the need for Parliament to be awake to its role and to step up. In doing so, Parliament must clarify the types of international commercial agreements which must be subjected to parliamentary scrutiny and approval. For instance, Parliament can expressly state in statute that any international commercial transaction by a state entity above a certain threshold (monetary value) should be subjected to comprehensive parliamentary review. The review of transactions above the stated threshold must not be conducted under the routine ‘certificate of emergency’ to allow for a more diligent scrutiny.

 

References

[1] [2013-2015] 2 GLR 546

[2] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 589

[3] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 590

[4] ‘The  Proposals of the Constitutional Commission for a Constitution for Ghana’ (1968), para 591

[5] [2003-2005] 2 GLR 580

[6] Report of the Constitutional Review Commission, para 279

[7] E. Y. Benneh, ‘Comments on External Loan Agreements, International Business Transactions and the Treaty-Making Power under the Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana’, University of Ghana Law Journal (1996-1999), p.79

[8] ‘State-Owned Enterprises: The Other Government’, International Monetary Fund, April 2020, p.1

[9] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[10] Section 5, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[11] Section 24, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[12] Section 11, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[13] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[14] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[15] Section 2, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[16] 103 S. Ct. 2591 (1983)

[17] 138 S. Ct. 816, 823 (2018)

[18] Section 13, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[19] Article 187(2), 1992 Constitution; Section 15, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[20] Section 16, Ghana Ports and Harbours Authority Act, 1986 (PNDCL 160)

[21] ibid

[22] Section 95, Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921)

[23] Nana Dr. S.K.B. Asante, ‘Proposed Amendment of Article 181 of the Constitution; vol. 3: No. 4. 1996, p.2. Legislative Alert, published by the Institute of Economic Affairs, Accra, Ghana.



PS. This paper was originally published by the Ghana School of Law Journal (Volume VI), August 2021

Thursday 14 October 2021

Why proponents of Ghana's ‘anti-gay bill’ get it so wrong

        Photo credit: globalcitizen.org

The propriety of the Promotion of Proper Human Sexual Rights and Ghanaian Family Values Bill, 2021 ('anti-gay bill') has generated national conversations in the past few weeks. The anti-gay bill seeks, in a nutshell, to criminalise LGBTQ+ sexual relationships and associations. The bill also criminalises directly or indirectly a wide range of other perceived non-heterosexual conduct, vestimentary habits and any advocacy for or in support of LGBTQ+ rights or persons. Some of the bill’s proscriptions also apply to non-LGBTQ+ persons.

In this piece, I shall catalogue the key arguments made by proponents of the bill and address them from a legal and governance policy perspective for the purposes of public education.

 

1.      Proponents of the bill argue in the memorandum to the bill that LGBTQ+ and related activities are not consistent with Ghanaian traditional and cultural values. Therefore, the clauses in the bill which place excessive restrictions on basic rights guaranteed by Ghana’s constitution such as the right to privacy, free expression, association, non-discrimination, personal autonomy, amongst others are justified.

 

Response: Under Ghana’s Constitution, culture is NOT used to determine whether rights are allowable. Rather, custom is assessed on the basis of whether it infringes rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Chapter 5 of the Constitution which guarantees basic rights and proceeds to provide the circumstances under which these rights could be restricted makes no provision for the restriction of rights on the basis of 'traditional Ghanaian customs, beliefs and values' (see Article 21 of the 1992 Constitution).  

 

2.      In the memorandum to the bill, the sponsors of the bill argue that LGBTQ+ persons and related activities threaten the concept of family and the associated value systems that are central to the social structure of all ethnic groups in Ghana.

 

Response: Under Ghanaian law, LGBTQ+ persons are excluded from the institution of marriage [see Marriages Act, 1885-1985 (CAP 127)]. Its therefore strange how anyone could suggest that they pose a threat to marriage and family life. Beyond this mere assertion, proponents of the bill do not demonstrate in what ways LGBTQ+ persons represent a threat to family or to marriage. All LGBTQ+ persons ask is to be left alone. How that constitutes a threat to family life is yet to be explained by the proponents of the bill.

 

3.      Proponents of the bill justify the restrictions placed on basic rights on the ground that rights are not absolute. Therefore, the rights of LGBTQ+ persons are restrictable. According to them, the State's power to restrict rights is demonstrated in the passage of the Cybersecurity Act, 2020 (Act 1038) which permits reasonable restrictions on the right to privacy, and the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act, 2019 (Act 999) which proscribes the formation of groups for the furtherance of interests by the use of threat of violence or intimidation. 

 

 

Response: Of course, rights are not absolute. But neither is the power of the State to restrict rights absolute. The State must show sound public interest or public policy justification for restricting a right. No such justification has been provided by the proponents of the bill for the excessive restrictions on the rights of LGBTQ+ persons and or persons who may want to advocate for the rights of this minority group. Under the 2 statutes cited (Act 1038 and Act 999), the public interest justification for the restrictions placed on rights to privacy and association is national security. For instance, in the case of the Vigilantism Act, our experience as a country has shown that if left unchecked, 'vigilantism' has the propensity to create far-reaching social chaos and disrupt public law and order. The violence that characterised the 2016 and 2020 general elections are enough proof of the need for such a law criminalising ‘vigilantism’. Unlike these two statutes which provide national security as a sound justification for the restrictions placed on  the above-mentioned rights, the anti-gay bill provides no such public interest grounds for restricting rights to privacy, free expression, personal autonomy, non-discrimination, association, etc.

 

 

4.      Proponents of the bill also justify it by expressing a public health concern. They cite a 2017 report of the Science Research Council which says that about 18.1% of people living with AIDS are men who sleep with men. They then proceed to single out LGBTQ+ persons and their activities for criminalisation.

 

Response: In citing this data, the proponents of the bill fail to realise that on its flip side, this very statistic means that roughly four-fifths (81.9%) of persons living with HIV/AIDS cases bear no relationship to LGBTQ+ persons. They fail to demonstrate how LGBTQ+ persons infringe on the rights and freedoms of others or how the private sexual or amorous relations of mutually consenting adults of sound mind, whether heterosexual or same-sex, pose a public health threat. Instead of focusing exclusively on LGBTQ+ persons, proponents of the bill should concern themselves with the social costs and health consequences of all forms of sexual behavior—whether between heterosexuals or LGBTQ+ persons. The appropriate public policy response then is not to criminalise LGBTQ+ persons or their activities, but an intervention that ensures that all potentially sexually active persons, whether LGBTQ+ or heterosexual, are provided adequate and appropriate education on responsible sex or sexual behaviour as well as access to medical advice and care.

 

In a democratic dispensation where the rights of all persons, including social minorities, are guaranteed under the Constitution, any legislation seeking to target and single out LGBT+ persons or gay rights advocates for such unfair treatment further marginalises and victimises them and sets a dangerous precedent for the treatment of unpopular minorities in general. The proponents of this anti-gay bill need to understand that treating other persons unfairly does not guarantee equal justice for anyone.

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